{"id":675312,"date":"2025-10-31T13:45:11","date_gmt":"2025-10-31T17:45:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rochester.edu\/newscenter\/?p=675312"},"modified":"2025-10-31T13:45:11","modified_gmt":"2025-10-31T17:45:11","slug":"steven-hahn-american-democracy-illiberalism-definition-past-present-675312","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rochester.edu\/newscenter\/steven-hahn-american-democracy-illiberalism-definition-past-present-675312\/","title":{"rendered":"Steven Hahn \u201973 on America\u2019s illiberal past and present"},"content":{"rendered":"

From eugenics to segregation, the Pulitzer Prize winner says America\u2019s \u2018darker impulses\u2019 run deep.<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Pulitzer Prize\u2013winning historian<\/a> and University of Rochester<\/a> alumnus Steven Hahn \u201973 has spent years chronicling the political experiences of ordinary people, particularly those at the margins, such as white farmers and enslaved people. In his latest book, Illiberal America: A History<\/em><\/a> (W. W. Norton, 2025), he traces the enduring themes of exclusion, repression, and antidemocratic politics in the United States across centuries.<\/p>\n

\u201cIlliberalism is not a backlash,\u201d Hahn insists. \u201cBacklash is one of the most misleading words in the American political vocabulary, because it suggests that a political phenomenon only expresses ignorance and rage and nothing more than that.\u201d Instead, he argues,<\/strong> illiberalism is a coherent political culture with \u201cdeep historical roots.\u201d<\/p>\n

What is \u201cilliberalism\u201d?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Hahn starts with a definition: \u201cIlliberalism is not just one thing; it\u2019s a collection of ideas and practices,\u201d he explains. A fundamental characteristic of illiberalism is the belief in people\u2019s inequality (as opposed to equality)\u2014whether it\u2019s social, political, or civil\u2014and the belief in inherent or assigned hierarchies of race, gender, or nationality, he argues. Other hallmarks include a desire for cultural or religious homogeneity, the \u201cmarking of internal and external enemies,\u201d accepting violence as a means of attaining and maintaining power, and privileging the \u201cwill of the community\u201d over the rule of law.<\/p>\n

\"Diptych
Pulitzer Prize\u2013winning historian and URochester alumnus Steven Hahn \u201973 is the author of Illiberal America: A History<\/em>. (University of Rochester photo \/ J. Adam Fenster)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Examples of illiberal moments in US history<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Rather than spotlight only the most notorious examples, Hahn points to episodes often celebrated as triumphs of liberalism. Here are some examples:<\/p>\n

In the 1830s, as voting rights expanded<\/strong> for white men, free Black people were disfranchised and Native Americans, Mormons, Catholics, and abolitionists faced expulsion. \u201cAbraham Lincoln worried about mob rule,\u201d Hahn notes, describing the murder of an abolitionist in Illinois and a lynching in St. Louis.<\/p>\n

The Progressive Era (1900\u20131920)<\/strong>, commonly referred to as the birth of modern liberalism, also saw \u201can almost across-the-board embrace of eugenics\u201d along with widespread Jim Crow racism. Segregation, Hahn notes, appealed to progressives as \u201ca modern way\u201d of dealing with racial conflict: \u201cInstead of watching a tsunami of lynchings, you could choreograph racial interactions.\u201d He points out that disfranchising people politically\u2014through literacy tests, residency requirements, and new registration laws\u2014all of which were intended to make it difficult for certain groups of people to vote. Such efforts targeted not only Black people but also European immigrants.<\/p>\n

\"Black
The Progressive Era saw an embrace of eugenics in response to concerns about the heritability of illiteracy and the relatively higher birth rate of immigrants. (Photo courtesy of http:\/\/www.theblaze.com, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons<\/a>)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Meanwhile, eugenics, the pseudoscientific attempt to improve the human race through selective breeding (and to counter the reproduction of those who were seen as defective) was very much in vogue. Birth control activist and sex educator Margaret Sanger was a proponent, as were Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson<\/a>\u2014the latter (as New Jersey governor) even signed the bill for mandatory sterilizations. \u201cEugenics imagined marrying science and the state to create a better social order,\u201d says Hahn. \u201cBut that meant literally trying to breed a better society.\u201d<\/p>\n

The 1960s saw important civil rights victories<\/strong>, yet the political far right was \u201creconstituting itself,\u201d Hahn says. Figures like segregationist George Wallace, a former Alabama governor, honed a language of grievance \u201cabout federal overreach\u201d and \u201cstate rights,\u201d winning significant support outside the South. Additionally, he says, the decade ushered in a \u201cwar on crime\u201d that foreshadowed later mass incarceration.<\/p>\n

What drives illiberal politics?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Racial conflict is central but it\u2019s not the only reason for the rise of broad illiberal sentiment. \u201cIt\u2019s a confluence of things,\u201d Hahn says, noting that demographic instability certainly plays a role\u2014knowing that by the middle of the 21st century white people will become a minority in the United States. Additionally, economic anxiety can stoke fear.<\/p>\n

\u201c<\/span>Illiberalism is not just one thing; it\u2019s a collection of ideas and practices.\u201d<\/div>\n

\u201cLarge sections of the American middle class and working class have not seen their real incomes rise since the 1970s,\u201d Hahn acknowledges. But he points out that illiberal ideas also flourished when the American economy was expanding as it did in the 1950s and 60s.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, he says illiberal beliefs predate the founding of America. \u201cWhat I\u2019m talking about really precedes the emergence of liberalism,\u201d Hahn emphasizes. \u201cThese ideas have their origins in a feudal and early modern world.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIlliberalism is always close to the surface,\u201d he cautions. Not cyclical but a constant, ready to erupt when crises occur and political opportunists fan its flames. His perspective directly challenges the notion of an enduring American liberal tradition. Instead, Hahn argues that this liberal tradition was largely \u201can invention of the 1940s and 1950s\u201d\u2014based on a societal Cold War consensus. He hopes readers will recognize that illiberalism \u201chas political coherence\u201d and \u201cpopular appeal,\u201d shaping the nation from its earliest days. His message is sobering\u2014illiberalism is not an aberration but a defining feature of the American story.<\/p>\n

URochester set the course <\/strong><\/h3>\n

Hahn\u2019s own political awakening began at the University of Rochester, where he majored in history after becoming involved in the anti\u2013Vietnam War movement. \u201cI was arrested at least once,\u201d he recalls of his student years.<\/p>\n

Originally, he\u2019d been interested in pursuing an engineering degree. But by the time he got to Rochester, \u201cit was pretty clear that astronautical engineering was not going to work for me,\u201d he recalls with a chuckle.<\/p>\n

Influential URochester history professors, among them Christopher Lasch<\/a>, Eugene Genovese<\/a>, and Herbert Gutman<\/a> nurtured his intellectual curiosity. In 2004, Hahn won both the Pulitzer Prize in History and the Bancroft Prize for his book A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration<\/em><\/a> (Harvard University Press, 2005).<\/p>\n

After stints at the University of Delaware; the University of California, San Diego; Northwestern University; and the University of Pennsylvania, Hahn is now a history professor at New York University<\/a>, where he continues to probe some of the country\u2019s most uncomfortable truths.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere\u2019s no doubt in my mind,\u201d he says, \u201cif I hadn\u2019t gone to Rochester, I wouldn\u2019t be doing what I\u2019m doing now.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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